Page 116 - Acharya Vinoba Bhave in 21st Century ISBN
P. 116

21oha “krkCnh esa vkpk;Z fouksck Hkkos dh izklafxdrk






               non-violence vehemently. We would face stiff opposition. Those who are our friends, and whose
                                                                      30
               friendship we desire, would then no longer be our friends.”  To the villagers of a village, who had
               resolved to make their village self-sufficient, he pointed out, “When you take the Name of Lord Rama,
               the resolve to stand up against the demons is implicit in it. You say that you would look after your

               affairs. But there are people who want to look after your affairs. So, a struggle becomes inevitable.” 31
               He told Sarva Seva Sangh after the declaration of Bihar-dan(October 1969) that satyagraha could

               be undertaken to remove obstacles in post-Gramdan work. 32
                       The struggle against the State and the vested interests was bound to be protracted and Vinoba

               knew it. Critics have repeated ad nauseam that Vinoba avoided confrontational satyagraha, overlooking
               these facts. This criticism, to say the least, betrays ignorance about Vinoba’s mind as well as about the

               working of non-violence. Non-violence decrees that the way of love and compassion should first be
               tried with faith and perseverance. That was what Vinoba did. When Socialist leader Ram Manohar

               Lohia, who considered himself Gandhi’s genuine heir, wrote to him (15 April 1952) that conversion of
               hearts, like social transformation, has a limit and recourse would have to be taken to law or satyagraha,

               Vinoba readily conceded that rationally, conversion of hearts might have a limit,”but as long as that limit
               has not been reached, why should I let that fact affect my heart? Why shouldn’t I believe that the Lord

               who has convinced me about a particular thing would convince others as well? I am nursing my sick
               father. Shouldn’t I nurse him with the hope that he would recover, although rationally I may accept the

               possibility that my efforts may be of no avail or may only be partially successful?” 33
                       Bhoodan seemed improbable when it was started. Now when a personality like Vinoba isnot

               around, it is impossible to think of it. Although much needs to be done to ensure that benefits of
               Bhoodan reach the target group to the maximum possible extent and it gets the place it deserves in the

               academic discourse, Bhoodan, it has to be conceded, will not work today. But the land problem
               persists, although in a different form, and the challenge to find a non-violent solution is as alive as it was

               when Vinoba took up the problem.
                       Even as the process of disintegration of villages is in full swing, the realisation that itwould

               destroy the country, both materially and spiritually, is also growing. It is also being increasingly realised
               that unity of the village community taking decisions by consensus is the best guarantee for ending

               exploitation and inequalities. Modern civilisation has brought the world to the brink of disaster, and
               human being stands alone—debilitated, alienated, manipulated, confused. He needs the warmth of the

               community. Gramdan has therefore become even more relevant than it appeared in the past. That
               Mendha (Lekha), a village in Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra, has recently embraced Gramdan by

               consensus through thorough study, after getting convinced that Gramdan would help accelerate its
               journey towards swaraj (self-rule), is a ray of hope. The concepts of Bhoodan and Gramdan and








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